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Currency as Debt: A New Theory of Money
Back To Basics—The Nature of Money
Part 1 of 4
 

“All the perplexities, confusion and distress in America arise not from defects in their constitution or confederation, not from a want of honor or virtue so much as from downright ignorance of the nature of coin, credit, and circulation.” John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 1787

“A pro-international monetary fund seminar of eminent economists couldn’t agree on what ‘money’ is or how banks create it.” An inauspicious footnote on the front page of the Wall Street Journal, Friday, Sept. 24, 1971
 

Money

No other subject is so much discussed and so little understood. Exactly what is money; where does it come from?

In its classical definition, money is anything customarily used as a medium of exchange and a measure of value; an accounting unit for price comparison of goods and services; a store of value such as savings; a standard of deferred payment; metal, such as gold or silver, coined or stamped, and issued as a medium of exchange; any written or stamped promise or certificate, as a bank note, current as a means of payment.

To understand money-creation one must first realize that money is a concept, a thought, a mental image of an action or of a thing. No one has ever seen any money, only things used as money—the perceptible currency used as the circulating medium of exchange. With the passage of time, the things used as money were themselves called money. The “used as” was dropped for simplicity.

All currencies, the things used as money, can be classified as belonging in one of two domains. Both domains are depicted at the Vatican in a fresco by Raphael entitled “The School of Athens.” Plato and Aristotle are shown, Plato’s finger pointing to the heavens and Aristotle’s hand gesturing toward the earth. The action displays their divergent philosophies, their view of reality.

Plato and Aristotle

Aristotle is a down-to-earth individual. Reality, in his view, resides in the perceptible, tangible things of the earth, in objects, such as chairs and tables, made from the materials of the earth. His is an unconditional reality; existence is phenomenal; things are absolute; an object is itself; A is A. Remove all life from the planet and such things as water and rocks still would exist.
 

Plato searches for the ideal. For him, reality is conceptual, nominal, in name only; it exists in some unseen, untouchable higher realm. An ordinary wooden table can be cut into toothpicks. Plato reasons that anything so easily changed cannot be real. Reality, in this case, exists in the idea of an ideal, perfect table, that is, in “tableness.” In this view real existence is imperceptible, conditional, predicated on the conceptual ability of some being.

The character of anything used as money determines its domain. The U.S. Coinage Act of 1792 established that “the money of account of the United States shall be expressed in dollars or units” and defined the “dollars or units” in terms of weight “of the value of a Spanish milled dollar as the same is now current, and to contain three hundred and seventy-one grains and four sixteenth parts of a grain of pure…silver.”[1]

Imagine the argument had Plato and Aristotle been members of Congress. Plato notes that the dollar is by definition a unit of weight. Weight is a concept, an attribute, not something with physical existence. No one will ever see or hold a dollar.

Aristotle counters that the coins themselves are real dollars. Yes, they have the attribute of weight and several other properties such as size, shape, hardness, color, and distinctive markings. But the primary consideration remains that each dollar coin must by definition contain a dollar weight of pure silver. Furthermore, once metal is coined, it is entirely possible, even likely, that the coin still will be in existence after the current membership of Congress is dead and gone.

The argument depends on viewpoint. As a unit of weight equal to 371.25 grains, the dollar, like the ounce or the pound, is conceptual. Having no existence in nature it resides in the domain of conditional reality. But the specie or coin used as a dollar, that is, “the money of account of the United States,” has a well-defined physical existence. These minted dollar coins, permanently fixed as a constitutional standard through the presentation of his “Report on the Subject of a Mint” to Congress on January 28, 1791 by then-Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton and by the Coinage Act of 1792, live in the domain of unconditional reality.[2]

In the same Act Congress mandated the coinage of “EAGLES,” “each to be of the value of ten dollars or units.” This did not mean that each coin would contain 3,712.5 grains of fine gold, an amount equal in weight to 10 times the weight of pure silver (371.25 grains) contained in a silver dollar. The amount of gold in each coin was set equal to the value or worth of ten dollars of fine silver. Hamilton’s Report advised an exchange-ratio of fifteen to one, this being the long-customary market exchange-ratio between silver and gold. Congress accepted this recommendation, specifying that each eagle would contain 247.5 grains of pure gold. (Dividing 3,712.5 grains by 15 equals 247.5 grains.) Furthermore, Congress approved legal tender status for the coinage, for “free” (meaning unlimited) coinage at the government’s mint “for any person or persons” bringing bullion there, and affixed the penalty of death for the crime of debasing this coinage.
 

With the creation of a national monetary system in 1792, pursuant to its constitutional power “To coin Money,” [and] “regulate the Value thereof” expressed in Article I, § 8, cl. 5, it would seem that Congress had laid the subject to rest for all time. Not likely! Two problems would arise to plague the system. Both should have been predicted.

One problem was the fifteen-to-one market exchange-ratio between silver and gold. Soon after passage of the 1792 Coinage Act, gold rose in value relative to silver. An eagle, denominated as ten dollars in value through the “regulat[ion]” of Congress, was worth more melted and sold in the market as bullion than as a ten-dollar medium of exchange coin in domestic trade. In May of 1832 the Director of the Mint wrote Congress that “[g]old at present constitutes no part of our currency.”[3]

Congress addressed this imbalance in the Coinage Act of 1834, by reducing the gold content of the eagle to a new weight of 232 grains.[4] Because the dollar remained unchanged at 371.25 grains of pure silver, the effective exchange-ratio between gold and silver shifted to approximately sixteen to one. (Dividing 3,712.5 grains by 16 equals 232.03 grains.) The discovery of huge gold deposits in both Australia and California soon worked to undo their efforts. Silver began to rise in value relative to gold. When the market exchange-ratio reached about 15.7 to 1, silver dollars ceased to circulate[5] As gold continued its slide, money-brokers found profit in the export of silver half-dollars, quarters and dimes. Silver coin lost its currency, meaning that it ceased general circulation.

The other problem was “banks” or issues of paper currency. The word “bank” before the Revolutionary War “meant only a batch of paper money, issued either by the government or a corporation.”[6]

Paper money found favor with many because it was said to promote internal trade in the absence of silver coin. Not that there was ever a complete absence of coin in the colonies, but it was hoarded or went out as fast as it came in to purchase foreign capital goods, goods desperately needed but not manufactured locally. For the most part early internal trade relied on direct barter. Many commodities, including livestock, wampumpeag and corn, enjoyed legal tender status under this barter system. 

Several things simultaneously used as money may lead to awkward circumstances. “If a large number of commodities are made legal tender, the poorest quality of the commodity, which may be the cheapest at the time of payment, will be given. Credit operations are therefore almost impossible.”[7] In truth, even if only one commodity were legal tender, debtors always paid with their poorest stock. “Prices rose to fit the worst form of payment which the seller might expect.”[8]

One of the earliest colonial experiences with paper money occurred in Massachusetts in 1690 when “an expedition was fitted out against Canada, the payment for which was to come from the booty. It came back not only without booty, but in great misery.”[9] Bills of credit were then issued in denominations from 5s to 5£ to pay the soldiers who first disposed of it at a one-third discount.[10] The notes were “receivable for taxes, and for goods paid into the treasury for taxes.” “In 1692 it was ordered that the bills be received at 5 per cent advance over coin at the colonial treasury, and the Court promised to redeem them in money within twelve months. This kept the paper at par for twenty years.”[11]

“The taste for paper money once acquired, the colonists were not disposed to go back to the rude currencies of wampum and bullets, corn and cattle, or even the scanty circulation of accidental dollars from the West Indies.”[12] A wide variety of issues followed based on “the three usual forms of paper: that issued on landed security; that based on taxes; and that representing the pure credit or authority of the government.”[13] Benjamin Franklin, at the age of twenty-three in 1729, supported a paper money loan system for Pennsylvania, writing that “For as bills issued upon money security are money, so bills issued upon land are in effect coined land.”[14]

In 1874 Professor Sumner wrote: “The great philosopher was not unbiased in his judgment. He printed the bills, having written a pamphlet in favor of them, and he says, ‘It was a very profitable job and a great help to me.’ Looking back upon it later, he [Franklin] argues that it was a good thing, ‘though I now think there are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful.’—Works, II.254”[15]
 

The experience of Rhode Island offered ample evidence to prove the latter point. By the year 1751, “[t]he colony, under the complete domination of the debtor party, had continued its issues to the almost total destruction of trade and industry.”[16]

Congress itself was not without experience in issuing paper money. Many colonies had paper in circulation at the start of the Revolutionary War and all made new issues to support the cause. “The Continental Congress, having no power to tax, and its members being accustomed to paper issues as the ordinary form of public finance, began to issue bills on the faith of the “Continent,’ Franklin earnestly approving.”[17] Its first issue was in May of 1775 for 300,000 Spanish dollars to be redeemable in gold or silver in three years. More immediately followed, reaching nine million dollars before depreciation began. 

Pelatiah Webster, “almost alone as it seems, insisted on taxation, but a member of Congress indignantly asked if he was to help tax the people when they could go to the printing-office and get a cartload of money.”[18]

In 1776 both Congress and private committees of safety took harsh measures to sustain the bills. Professor Sumner noted, “The tyranny of the government was of course only a stimulus to the private committees. It is natural to suppose that malicious and criminal persons assumed the duty of public regulators, and committed those acts of violence and wrong which equal or surpass anything of the kind under any despotism, but such an error as a legal tender act, enforced by pains and penalties, is responsible for the secondary evils which are sure to flow from it.”[19]

Webster noted that “We have suffered more from this cause than from every other cause or calamity. It has killed more men, pervaded and corrupted the choicest interests of our country more, and done more injustice than even the arms and artifices of our enemy.” The British, “perceiving the terrible harm the Americans were doing themselves, thought it well to help… They counterfeited the bills and passed them through the lines.”[20]

By “1779 Congress was at its wits’ ends for money. Its issues had put specie entirely out of reach, and the cause was in danger of being drowned under a paper sea.”[21] Newly printed money that year alone amounted to $140 million. Its mounting tide abrogated existing agreements, destroyed friendships along with commerce, and reduced the productive efforts of many to a level barely above subsistence. The bills continued their steady depreciation, being worth only two cents on the dollar in the spring of 1780 and giving support to the expression, “not worth a Continental.” “The paper was now worth more for an advertisement or a joke than for any prospect of any kind of redemption. A barber’s shop in Philadelphia was papered with it.”[22]

Paper money troubles did not end with the war. “In the interval between the close of the war and the adoption of the [C]onstitution, several States fell back upon paper money. Rhode Island, which had been the worst offender as a colony, maintained the same reputation as a State.”[23]

Such experiences prompted the Framers of the Constitution to write Article I, § 10, cl. 1, “No State shall…coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold or silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts…” With the passage of the Coinage Act of 1792 Congress must have believed the problems of paper money were behind them. They had not reckoned with the power of private corporations operating as banks.
 


Footnotes

1 Edwin Vieira, Jr., Pieces of Eight (1983, Sound Dollar Committee, P.O. Box 226, Fort Lee, NJ 07024), p. 98 
2 Ibid., p. 95 
3 Ibid., p, 101, note 429 
4 Ibid., p. 101 
5 Ibid., p. 120 
6 William G. Sumner, A History of American Currency (1873, Reprinted 1968 by Augustus M. Kelley, Publishers, New York, NY 10010), p. 18, note 
7 Ibid., p. 7 
8 Ibid., p. 8 
9 Ibid., p. 14 
10 Francis A. Walker, Money (1886, Reprinted 1968 by Augustus M. Kelley, Publishers, New York, NY 10010), p. 308 
11 Sumner, op. cit., p. 15 
12 Walker, op. cit., p. 310 
13 Ibid., p. 304 
14 Ibid., p. 323 
15 Sumner, op. cit., p. 19 
16 Walker, op. cit., p. 320 
17 Sumner, op. cit., p. 43 
18 Ibid., p. 44 
19 Ibid., p. 44 
20 Ibid., p. 45 
21 Ibid., p. 44 
22 Ibid., p. 46 
23 Walker, op. cit., p. 334, note
 

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